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Foto: Lita Krone/LETA

Zatlers un Gorbachev?

Abi darbojās laikā, kad sabiedrībā brieda pieprasījums pēc pārmaiņām. Abi pret to izturējās ar simpātiju un izpratni. Zatlera ideja bija izdarīt Latvijas politikā apmēram to pašu, ko gribēja izdarīt un lielā mērā izdarīja Gorbachev padomju režīmā – atvērt durvis un logus, ielaist svaigu gaisu.

Principā ne Gorbachev, ne Zatlers nepretendēja uz kaut ko daudz lielāku, jo ne vienam, ne otram nebija skaidras vīzijas vai programmas, nebija arī ideoloģijas. Gorbachevs vairs neticēja komunismam un totalitārismam, bet Zatleram acīmredzami nešķita kaut cik svarīgi izvēlēties kādu ideoloģiju ne sev, ne partijai.

Gorbacheva darbība nevarēja nenovest totalitāro režīmu līdz kolapsam, jo, pirmkārt, režīma ekonomiskā bāze bija pilnībā sapuvusi, bet sabiedrība pateicoties atklātībai jau zināja pārāk daudz, lai turpinātu pieciest režīma trulo liekulību apmaiņā pret neesošu labklājību, un, otrkārt, Gorbachevam bija pietiekami liela vara un ietekme, lai viņa iecerētais nepaliktu neīstenots.

Zatlers sastapās ar līdzīgu situāciju politikā, kad sabiedrībā sāka veidoties pieprasījums pēc pārmaiņām. Atšķirīgi bija apstākļi un līdz ar to arī praktiskie rezultāti. Latvijā nav totalitārs režīms, politiķiem un nepolitiķiem ir daudz plašāka izvēles brīvība. Tāpēc svaiga gaisa ieplūšanas sekas Latvijas politikā ir daudz mazāk dramatiskas. Arī vara un ietekme Latvijas prezidentam, vēl jo vairāk bijušam prezidentam vai kādas partijas vadītajam, Latvijas politikā ir niecīga salīdzinājumā ar PSRS cara varu un ietekmi.

Tāpēc šodien var droši pateikt, ka Zatleram nav izdevies panākt neatgriezeniskas pārmaiņas Latvijas politikā. Neatgriezeniskas pārmaiņas nozīmētu kādu iedīgli, kas nenodzēstu politikā neatkarīgi no apstākļiem. Ar iedīgli es domāju partiju vai politiķu „skolu” vai domubiedru kustību. Reformu partija, man liekas, tāda nav un nebūs. Reformu partija nav kļuvusi par „skolu”, tā nav izvēlējusies ideoloģiju. Man nav pārliecības, ka šo partiju veido domubiedri, kas ir gatavi viens otru atbalstīt un aizstāvēt politiskajās vētrās.

Zatlers, viņa politiskais projekts un tā īslaicīgā veiksme ļāva Latvijas sabiedrībai pamanīt, ka alternatīva Latvijas politikā ir iespējama, ka Latvijā ir spēcīgi, labi sagatavoti, kompetenti, moderni domājoši cilvēki, kas ir gatavi iet politikā ar labām idejām, lai godprātīgi darbotos sabiedrības labā un panāktu stratēģiskus uzlabojumus.

Izvēles brīvība nozīmē, ka Roberts Ķīlis, Daniels Pavļuts un daži citi ļoti spējīgi politiķi būtu varējuši izvēlēties neieiet politikā. Tāpat jebkurš no viņiem joprojām lieliski var izvēlēties neturpināt politikā, kā izvēlējušies no politikas pazust daudzi citi. Zigzagi spējīgu politiķu karjerās un likteņos tikai lieku reizi parāda Latvijas politikas kvalitāti. Diemžēl, talantīgs cilvēks nedrīkst būt un nekad nebūs tik naivs un vieglprātīgs, lai uzskatītu politiku Latvijā par karjeras cienīgu vidi.

Es esmu pateicīgs Valdim Zatleram par viņa drosmi – gan uzņemties prezidenta atbildību un iziet nežēlīgo visvairāk nievātā prezidenta skolu, gan atlaist Saeimu un iesaistīt politikā virkni talantīgu cilvēku. Par to, ka politikā vajag jaunas idejas un svaigu gaisu, aizdomājušies un to deklarējuši bija daudzi. Viņš ir bijis pirmais un līdz šim vienīgais, kas to Latvijas politikā ir realizējis. Kaut vai uz īsu brīdi.

Kāpēc nav izdevies panākt neatgriezeniskas pārmaiņas?

Fakts ir, ka tīras rokas politikā nav liels nopelns. Un laikam tomēr – diemžēl – ne tāpēc, ka tā ir norma un sabiedrība to no mūsu politiķiem pieprasa jebkurā gadījumā. Tā nav. Latvijas sabiedrība, kaismīgi vēloties un gaidot pārmaiņas, to vēl nav atradusi par savas uzmanības cienīgu kritēriju vērtējot savus politiķus. Pret tīrām rokām Latvijā izturas neitrāli un pret netīrām ar iecietību.

Par ideoloģijas trūkumu ir rakstīts daudz. Es to uzskatu par ļoti lielu problēmu, jo tas būtu palīdzējis nostiprināt partijas atbalsta kodolu sabiedrībā. Bet tas noteikti negarantētu daudz plašāku izpratni sabiedrībā par partijas pārstāvētajām vērtībām. Tā ka tā ir tikai daļa patiesības.

Vēl viena daļa ir visticamāk organizatoriskais vājums, par ko es neko nezinu, izņemot to, ka partija deleģēja valdībā ministrus bez partijas piederības. Tas, šķiet, pilnībā atbilst Latvijas sabiedrībai raksturīgajai nepatikai pret disciplīnu un neprasmei veidot efektīvas un ilgtspējīgas organizācijas.

Bet pats galvenais tomēr pašas idejas un to realizācija. Reformisti nav panākuši kaut cik pamanāmas reformas. Idejas un to nesēji nebija gatavi debatēm, kritikai un uzbrukumiem, kas bija ļoti loģiski paredzēt. Cik es redzu, reformistiem nebija stratēģijas un līdz ar to efektīvas komunikācijas, kas politika patiesībā arī ir – darbs ar mērķgrupām. Rezultātā juceklis izglītības sistēmā. Ekonomikas sfērā: piekāpšanās Gazpromam, pretrunīgi vēstījumi atjaunojamās enerģijas virzienā un pabalstu solījumi reemigrantiem reemigrācijas stratēģijas vietā. Diemžēl, rezultāts acīmredzami ir ļoti tuvu nullei.

Laikam Zatlera neveiksme bija pietiekami likumsakarīga jaunas demokrātijas apstākļos. Es vēlreiz gribu pateikties Zatleram par drosmi un mēģinājumu. Varbūt, rezultāta dēļ viņam nebūs tikpat prominentas vietas Latvijas vēsturē, kā Gorbachevam Krievijas – un arī Latvijas – vēsturē. Bet paralēles ir skaidras.

Pieprasījums pēc pārmaiņām nekur nav zudis un paliek neapmierināts. Tam ir kolosāls tektonisks potenciāls un agrāk vai vēlāk tam jārealizējas. Tas jau sāka realizēties. Realizētāja vārds ir Ušakovs un Saskaņas Centrs. Es domāju, tas labi izskaidro, kas tas par neapturamo spēku, kas liek lielām cilvēku masām tikpat kā akli un kurli iet un balsot par Saskaņu, nepievēršot nekādu uzmanību kliedzošiem faktiem – Saskaņas sadarbībai ar Putina režīma antidemokrātijas likumu štempelētāju partiju, Ušakova sarakstei ar Krievijas izlūkdienesta darbinieku (plus protams pamatotās aizdomas par sistēmisko korupciju). Pārmaiņu pieprasījuma spēks nogrūž malā apsvērumus par pārmaiņu īstenotāju roku tīrību.

Vai Zatleru var vainot Saskaņas spēcināšanā? Es tā nedomāju un šajā tekstā mēģināju pamatot, kāpēc Zatlera neveiksme bija neizbēgama. Visticamāk Zatleram līdzās bija jāparādās arī kādam kreisam politiskajam spēkam – īsti kreisam, sociāldemokrātiskam, nevis ar kreiso frāzi izdaiļotam Putina autoritārā režīma specoperācijā radītam simulakram.

Nezinu, vai jebkuram, pat neveiksmīgākajam gorbachevam, tādam kā Zatlers, pretī stāv savs GKČP (ja kāds nezina/neatceras, tie ir tā saucamie pučisti, kas mēģināja pārņemt varu Padomju Savienībā 1991. gada 19. augustā, kā rezultātā Latvija pēc divām dienām pasludināja pilnīgu valsts neatkarības atjaunošanu), bet no Zatlera neveiksmes tik tiešām iegūst GKČP garīgie bērni – Ušakova Saskaņa Centrs. 

124 thoughts on “Zatlers. Demokrātija apēd savus gorbačovus”

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